Emasculation: BN as a coalition brand

To me, blogging has always been about putting wayward and happenstance thoughts out into the open.

If I have more serious thoughts, I would reduce them into academic papers and have them published as I have in certain academic and professional journals.

This entry is about wayward and happenstance thoughts.

The formation of the Alliance Party comprising UMNO, MCA and MIC was an astute strategy to address a fragmented market of voters in the 1950s and 1960s.

Equally so, the formation of the even larger Barisan Nasional coalition was, in many ways, a response to the needs and demands of an even more fragmented market of voters in the 1970s, 1980s and 1990s.

The new millennium was dramatic for the BN largely due to the formal retirement of Dr M. 

Dr M was the embodiment of and, may well be the last of the paternalistic political leaders Malaysia will ever see. In the immediate euphoria of the post-Mahathir era, BN's successor leadership reaped the benefits and outpouring of goodwill towards the BN brand. BN's landslide win in 2004 was comprehensive and cut across every conceivable section of the Malaysian electorate.

If ever there was an example of a collective high, 2004 was it for Malaysian politics. The stuffy air in an enclosed room was replaced by the fresh air of greater political freedom.

What happened then? 

There is enough good political analyses already published that accurately document and contain sound inferences about why that groundswell of goodwill toward BN in 2004 was lost in 2008. 

This entry is about GE 2013 from the narrow perspective of BN as a political brand and, more to the point, why only the main sub-brand of UMNO attracted its traditional loyal following while the other component sub-brands suffered badly.

Why did the voters not embrace the BN brand when presented with non-UMNO sub-brands?

There are many factors, of course. There is the factor of the urban voters. There is the issue of racial groupings. Perhaps, we can add the possibility of personality, religion, campaign messages and strategy and many other factors. This is fertile ground for much socio-politica analysis.

I choose to look at only one possible factor. Emasculation.

Yes. You got it right. Emasculation.

The loss of power and, for want of a better word, masculinity.

Castration. Cutting off the cojones. Weakening. Deprivation of vigour.

These words describe the non-UMNO components of the BN.

This, to my mind, was a major factor that explains why non-UMNO BN components fared badly.

In the mid-1990s, I was, like the rest of the world, enthralled by Tiger Woods and his amazing skills and his will to win. He wore the Nike brand.

Everyone wanted to be like Tiger. Hell, I wanted to be like Tiger. How do I get to feel like I can be like Tiger? 

I bought the brands that Tiger wore. I bought Nike.

And, what, you may ask, has this Tiger-fixation episode got to do with the failure of the non-UMNO BN components?

Those of us who are either of a certain vintage or, who are conscientious armchair students of Malaysian history, may recall the deep personal bonds of friendship between the leaders of UMNO, MCA and MIC in the 1950s and 1960s. They would hang out, spin yarns, gulp down brandy and enjoy jocular banter. It was a true fraternity of the political elite.

Voters felt that if there was any issue that needed to be resolved these leaders would do so in a congenial setting and discuss matters with civility.

There was still evidence of this in the 1970s.

It disappeared in the 1980s.

BN went from a partnership of friends and transformed into a large corporation of strangers.

There is a light theory that it didn't help matters that Dr M never played golf. So, one could never catch up with him for casual chit chats with him in various states of undress in the dressing room. He was only accessible in controlled settings. That may be just golfers' bias. But, then again...

Anyway, the point that I am hazarding is that the electorate is neither blind nor deaf nor dumb. 

It can see the glaring contrast between the power and the glory that UMNO's leaders embody and the emasculated parochialism, insularity and pettiness that successive non-UMNO BN leaders has embodied.

Juxtapose that with the constant joint appearances of the Pakatan Rakyat leaders from PKR, PAS and DAP and their distinctive combined party logos in the shirts worn by the Pakatan Rakyat leaders and  the flags flown.

The contrast in imagery was that leaders from the non-UMNO BN components needed to "make an appointment" to have access to power, while Pakatan Rakyat leaders could just look each other up without any formal arrangements.

This is what I mean about the emasculation chanelled by non-UMNO BN components.

The marketing message of Pakatan Rakyat was, even for neutrals, sublime, exciting and seductive.

Who doesn't want a multiracial leadership and national unity? Who doesn't want leaders with power or, at least, real access to power?

Who doesn't respond to positive vibes that channels Martin Luther King Jr's "I have a dream" oratory?

In contrast, voters were entreated with non-UMNO BN components like the MCA leaders pleading with the electorate not to give them "an egg" (meaning "zero"). Worse still, voters were abused with  self-indulgent and poor karaoke singing and forced to take home DVDs of candidates singing.

All of us want leaders who can hold themselves as a prism through which we can identify the best things that we wish for ourselves, our children and our community. We want leaders who can mirror our desires and aspirations.

The UMNO-BN leaders were obviously able to channel all that.

The non-UMNO BN leaders were not able to. Instead, they channeled a sense of emasculation and self-indulgence. This is not something the electorate want to see or feel when it examines the slate of political candidates.

This, to my mind, is the challenge for BN as a coalition brand. I admit that it is a simplistic entry; superficial even. That is why it is only a blog post and, not an academic paper.

The challenge is at many, many levels. Each BN component needs an internal overhaul. 

Someone made an observation to me recently, that the MCA's party constitution is so skewed to favour the incumbents that there is almost no way for any maverick to move the delegates to challenge the incumbents. So, it becomes a cesspool where elite factions fight each other without allowing young leaders to enter.

In fairness, the same accusation can be hurled at the Pakatan Rakyat components.

So, the difference may be in the area of the attitude of the leaders. 

For some reason, the Pakatan Rakyat is able to attract bright and young political talent and fast-track them into the electoral fray.

In contrast, BN components appear to be hierarchical, bureaucratic, staid, slow, ponderous, troglodytic and unimaginative.

Is this just a perception? 

Judging from the harsh feedback from the electorate in GE13, BN components have got a lot of soul-searching and structural reconstruction to embark on.

Leaders like Saifuddin Abdullah may well have hit the nail on the head in renewing the call for direct memberships into BN.

Voters need to feel like they are voting for candidates who have real power.

BN leaders may say, what is the point of voting for Pakatan Rakyat candidates who are not in government? Where got power, like that?

But, they would be wrong.

A good wakil rakyat will get the job done or, be seen to try to get the job done. That, to the voter, may be good enough...for now; someone to lend an ear; someone to lend a shoulder to lean on; someone to cry out about your plight; someone to represent your frustration; someone who can stand up for you.

So, please get to work!

Pakatan Rakyat to register as a coalition

This is one of the best pieces of news that I've heard from the Pakatan Rakyat for some time. By having PKR, PAS and DAP register as a coalition party called Pakatan Rakyat, this motley crew is signalling a sense of deeper purpose than is evident hitherto.

pix from here.

Many Malaysians who had contributed to and, ridden the euphoric waves, post-March 8, 2008 have become jaded by the dysfunctional amalgamation that Pakatan Rakyat is. Even wiser heads within the Pakatan pantheon has become exasperated by the cross-purposes at which issues are dealt with.

So, the formalisation of the Pakatan Rakyat as a coalition is a positive sign. It may not quell the raucousness within the nascent coalition. But, it should go a long way to temper the process in which differing views can be managed and moderated.

For neutrals, the formation of a new coalition augurs well for the orderly democratic transformation that Malaysia's constitutional evolutionary journey is taking us all on. It also signals the greater likelihood of a more stable 2-party system that so typifies advanced economies.

Batang Ai, Sarawak

While many in Semenanjung are obssessing over the 2 Bukit by-elections, the one Batang by-election in Sarawak is equally interesting, if not more so.

chart from here.

The reason is that the Batang Ai by-election may well be a barometer of two things:

First, the state of Sarawak BN's governance under Taib Mahmud.

Second, the coalescence of the disparate Dayak community that has been divided and ruled for many, many decades.

There are two blogs, in particular, that are particularly high-profile. One is Sarawak Headhunter. The other is The Broken Shield.

Read these two blogs to get a better understanding of the depths of the Dayak sentiments in Sarawak.

chart from here

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Whether these sentiments can translate into a victory for PKR in Batang Ai is the key question.

All things considered, the powers of incumbency and the substantive political largesse of the Sarawak BN delivered via the tuai rumah is very, very significant.

In an isolated constituency with poor transportation infrastructure, the political battle is pitched and guerilla-style.

But, the erstwhile Dayak political powerhouse, SNAP's declaration that it will not participate in the Batang Ai campaigning (presumably for BN) is also a significant gesture that does not augur well for Sarawak BN.

Keep the tuak flowing, guys.

Perak political capers via Malaysiakini

This story must be told from the prism of Malaysiakini reports.

Advantage, UMNO-BN
First, it was advantage to UMNO and BN. Malaysiakini reported Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi's announcement that two PKR reps in Perak were joining UMNO-BN.

It appears that Behrang assemblyman Jamaluddin Mat Radzi, the Perak EXCO for Entrepreneur Development and Cooperatives Committee wishes to defect from PKR to UMNO. Likewise, the Changkat Jering assemblyman Mohd Osman Mohd Jailu, the EXCO for State Tourism and NGO Committee also wishes to do so.

Deuce, PKR-PR
Then, a return volley from PKR.

These two men appear to have signed undated resignation letters soon after the March 8 General Elections. This Malaysiakini report shows that Ngeh of DAP-Pakatan says the letters are valid. Malaysiakini also reports that the duo denies its validity.

Enter Election Commission?
The two resignation letters somehow found their way to the Perak State Assembly Speaker V. Sivakumar who (as reported in Malaysiakini) announced that both men had resigned and, later met with the state Election Commission director Ahmad Adli Abdullah at 8am on Monday and, officially submitted the “resignation letters” of the two assemblymen so that by-elections can be called for the two seats within 60 days.

Enter, legal barracudas?
Jamaludin has used the word "duress". This is a loaded legal expression. It means that the whole episode will end up in court.

But, don't hold your breath. The judicial process may turn out to be academic unless...

Unless, UMNO and BN legal eagles stand ready to get an injunction to prevent the Election Commission from proceeding with the by-elections. According to Malaysiakini Anwar Ibrahim is preparing for by-elections.

State constitutional crisis?
This will create a Perak state constitutional crisis on whether the two men are able to continue to serve as state assemblymen.

Dissolution option
That is why a scenario being canvassed by PKR (do DAP and PAS agree?) is whether the Perak State Assembly should be dissolved. Or, is it a scenario perpetrated by UMNO?

The most awful scenario
Perhaps the most awful scenario is the allegation made by PKR Ipoh Barat division head Fauzi Muda who, according to Malaysiakini, leveled the damning claim that Umno deputy president Najib Abdul Razak had tried last year to induce him to secure the crossover of two Pakatan Rakyat representatives in Perak.

MCPX

Fauzi said he had been offered a total of RM50 million for his services and to pay off those he managed to convince, but that he had remained non-committal.

While conceding that he has no concrete evidence to back his allegation, he nonetheless dared Najib - also the deputy premier and deputy head of ruling coalition Barisan Nasional - to deny the claim.

Read his Statutory Declaration here.
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So, having made a cursory examination of all of the above, Malaysians will have to wonder how in Heaven's name does ANYONE have the bloody time to deal with economic management?

This time around the caper appears to have been started by BN-UMNO.

Tits with tats
I tend to share the view taken by Sakmongkol about this tit-for-tat caper and I can do no better can to quote him:

What UMNO shows is that, it is no different from Anwar Ibrahim in terms of values that it has. Despite its trumpeted remonstrations and pompous righteousness against party hopping, when push comes to shove, our acceptance of the two renegade PKR man proves that we are as opportunistic as Anwar Ibrahim. But then Anwar Ibrahim is just the other side of the coin, No? Of course we will rationalise our behaviour as pragmatism and doing what any ordinary party will do.

The Dayak Dilemma (Part 3)

This is the third instalment of Sim Kwang Yang's Dayak Dilemma series in Malaysiakini. In this instalment Sim traces the changes made to the role of the Tuai Rumah or Tua Kampung in villages that dot the Sarawak landscape.

Sim's piece quotes generously from the very wise, articulate and knowledgeable blogger, Joseph Tawie, whose blog The Broken Shield I discovered many, many months ago.

(Pic) Mr Johnny (right) and Mr Joseph both proudly holding a book that they respectively authored - "The Broken Shield - The Birth of Dayakism" & "Gempung Jerita Tuai Bansa Iban". Picture and caption from here.

I need to digress a little to make the observation that Joseph Tawie's writings on Sarawak, and the land, cultural and economic issues challenging the Dayak community in Sarawak, are always infused with dignified and considered reasoning set within a rich vein of wisdom as only age and life experience can give. Top all that with highly-readable prose and, we have a blog that is truly worthy of reading.

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Not surprisingly, Joseph Tawie has published a book entitled The Broken Shield and, according to Sim, he is in the process of publishing a follow-up book, The Broken Shield Part Two - The Dayak Dilemma which sounds like a companion volume to the first book.

Now, back to Sim's piece. He traces the slow, but sure, emasculation of the role of the Tuai Rumah from that of an avuncular community leader that commands the respect of the villagers by virtue of his deep knowledge of customs, culture and values to that of paternalistic leaders whose appointment is entirely subject to approval of a minor state official.

The new version of Tuai Rumah is said to maintain his standing by way of having financial largesse to dispense to villagers. Those who conform are rewarded with a share of the allocated funds. Recalcitrant ones will not receive allocation.

Some may say that this pecuniary approach to exercising power and control is a practical and effective tool to maintain obedience. Others will see it as an emasculatory insult to the dignity of an entire race of Malaysians. This is Sim's third part:
_____________________________

While PKR chief Anwar Ibrahim has made grand declaration of intent on taking power in the next Sarawak elections, very few Sarawakians themselves would be convinced that it would be an easy venture.

MCPX

I myself would be happy if the opposition coalition can win 24 or more state seats, thus denying BN a two-thirds majority in the Sarawak state assembly. Twenty-four indeed would be well within striking distance, since I expect the DAP and their partners to do well in the urban constituencies.

But in Sarawak, as in other parts of the country, opposition politics can only survive in the urban Chinese areas for a certain time. In native majority areas in Sarawak, opposition parties that have no ambition to rule the state will not attract bright political talent as well as the support of the voters. So what Anwar has announced is not just grandstanding, but the right thing to do.

Again, those of us who are familiar with politics in Sarawak know that the challenge of toppling the BN state government is harder than the ten Herculean Tasks put together. Massive vote-buying is rampant in rural constituencies, and has come to be expected by voters themselves. It has become a way of life in Sarawak.

Equally significant is the unique social structure of the rural communities in Sarawak.

The native communities are very closely-knit communities. They have to be because they live in far-flung isolated terrains and mutual dependence and close social cohesion is the way to be for their collective survival. Blood ties through generations of close marriages between neighbouring villages also mean that members of a local community are often related.

(In an election, the success and failure of a candidate sometimes depends on how many relatives a candidate has within the constituency!)

Within any one village, the most authoritative figure would be the village head, the ‘Tua Kampung’ or the ‘Tuai Rumah’ (in the case of the Ibans)

The village chief used to be an expert in native customary laws so that he could settle disputes between different households on various civil and criminal cases. In that sense, he was also a judge of sort. Nowadays, as the head of the JKKK, the village security and development committee, he has undisputed power over his charges under him. To the outside world, he is also the sole representative and spokesman for the whole village.

Not all chiefs that compliant

These village chiefs used to be freely elected by their villagers. Sometimes, the position was a hereditary one, passed down from father to son.

After the emergence of political parties in Sarawak following independence in 1963, it was increasingly clear that the Tua Kampong and the Tuai Rumah played a critical role in the fight for grassroots political support.

In fact, the Sarawak BN government has been quite successful over the past few decades through all kinds of administrative fiat in bringing these otherwise independent village chiefs under their direct control.

Today, even if a village headman is still elected by his villagers, his status must first be confirmed by the BN-controlled state government. He is answerable to low-grade state civil servants like district officers and the residents above them. Today, a village chief is akin to somebody at the lowest rung of the state civil service.

Joseph Tawi, in a Jan 6 posting on his blog has this to say:

‘Today, the criteria for Tuai Rumah have changed; he must be educated at least up to Form Three, be pro-Barisan Nasional (BN) and not necessarily having a deep knowledge of Iban Adat (this he can learn from the Tusun Tunggu, a book containing all the customs, traditions, taboos, fines, etc.).

‘After being elected, his appointment must be endorsed by the government so that an allowance of RM450 per month can be given to him. His duties include being the ‘eyes and ears’ of the BN government, a judge, a law-enforcer, tax-collector, consultant, and chairman of the JKKK (Village Security and Development Committee) through which government funds are being channelled.’

Be that as it may, not all village chiefs are all that compliant. I have personally met village chiefs who could stand up against powerful logging and plantation interests on behalf of their people. For their bravery and their service, they had been removed from their posts by the state government who then appointed others to replace them.

In the case of one such Tuai Rumah somewhere upstream from Bintulu along the Kemena River, he had merely led his villagers to fight against a logging company that had infringed upon their NCR land. For that, he was accused by the Pengulu Court of the crime of bulak (lying) under the adat istiadat, the Iban customary laws.

He felt great shame for being charged with this minor crime. On the day of the court hearing, I brought along a heavyweight lawyer from Kuching to defend him. The ‘Pengulu’ and the ‘Pemanca’ who were supposed to try him evaporated into thin air.

We also attended a gawai in his longhouse and made fiery speeches to exonerate this wonderful Tuai Rumah from his alleged sin. I was still a ‘YB’ then and my words carried quite some weight with the village folks.

But general elections are a different business altogether in the rural communities.

Naturally, it is common for village voters to defer to the opinion of the Tuai Kampong or the

Tuai Rumah even on the matter of voting for a candidate. But I have been to some longhouses where the village was split into two over their choice of candidate. After the election was over, the losing side would just move out and build another longhouse for themselves. Only my Iban readers can appreciate the financial difficulty and the emotional pain of such a drastic move.

Now, Joseph Tawi has something new to report on the same blog posting quoted above. The paragraphs below are taken from his soon-to-be-published book The Broken Shield Volume Two – The Dayak Dilemma.

No seat is easy to win

‘In this 2006 election, the BN devised an entirely different campaign strategy, which caught the opposition with their pants down. Previously, the money was passed directly to the voters on the eve of polling. This time the distribution was done through their Tuai Rumah.

‘Three days before polling, all the headmen were summoned for a meeting where they were coached to say something to their own people. And on their return to their respective longhouses, they were given some money that was to be shared with the voters of their own longhouses. In addition to this, there were also minor rural development projects that were promised to be implemented.

‘The Tuai Rumah then called for a meeting of the longhouse folks and ordered them to vote for the BN candidates. Anyone who failed to follow his order or directive would not be given any share of the goodies or any project that the government had promised them. And he was also likely to be expelled from the longhouse.

‘The Tuai Rumah must ensure that his followers must vote for the BN candidate, otherwise the BN candidate would report him to the district officer, the resident or the state secretary. As a Tuai Rumah is like a civil servant, action including the termination of his Tuai Rumahship could be taken against him. He might lose his monthly allowance of RM450 per month. And the promised minor rural development projects might be withdrawn.

‘In Daniel Tajem’s constituency of Bukit Begunan, he was defeated by a man, Mong Dagang, whom he had picked to replace him in the 1996 state election. Tajem practically lost in all the longhouses in the five polling districts. Before the money came, many longhouse chiefs and their followers had pledged their support to him who had represented them in six previous elections.

After the distribution of money and the threats issued, everything changed; longhouse headmen, their followers and even Tajem’s own relatives voted against him. And a similar tale of vote- buying had also been reported in other Dayak constituencies.’

Daniel Tajem – a long-time personal friend of mine – may be unknown outside Sarawak,

but he is still a household name in the Land of the Hornbills. He had held that constituency -Bukit Bangunan - near the town of Sri Aman six times, including the period when he was in the opposition. When an established brand name like that can fall to the hands of vote-buying and puppet-like Tuai Rumah, no seat is easy to win for any opposition party – including PKR.

I suppose that, once the Kuala Terengganu by-election is over, Anwar Ibrahim and his team of advisers would be sitting down over the impending Sarawak battle ahead. They would be thinking of what pledges to make to the people of Sarawak, if and when they take over the Sarawak government with the help of the other opposition parties.

Surely one of those pledges must be the restoring of the autonomy of the democratically-elected village chiefs throughout the state. The state government must recognise whoever is elected by the villagers as their headman, and pay them well nevertheless. Empowering the rakyat at the grassroots level would be the most meaningful reform in rural Sarawak indeed.

Part One is available here.
My observation of Part Two is available here.

Dayak re-awakening in Sarawak?

The latest report by Joe Fernandez in Malaysiakini on last Saturday's PKR event in Sibu provides a good account of the state of play of the re-awakening of the disenfranchised Dayak community in Sarawak. It would appear that there is a genuine groundswell of discontentment with the manner in which Sarawak's socio-economic development has been handled by Taib Mahmud and BN Sarawak.

In many cases, consultation on many development projects are conducted with Dayak politicians within BN Sarawak that fails to take into account the needs, aspirations and social cost of the affected Dayak communities at the ground level.

This is evident in the manner in which Native Customary Lands (NCL) have been excised by the Sarawak government for the construction of major dams and establishment of oil palm plantations, not to mention the logging of timber.

Environmental destruction is another major issue that affects the lives of these affected communities. Fair compensation is another burning issue, not just in monetary terms but, the displacement and relocation effects on the social and cultural lives of the Dayak communities, many of whom have been associated with specific localities for aeons.

It is, therefore, no surprise that there is a Dayak re-awakening. Read the Malaysiakini report below which addresses the Sarawak political state of play:

Senior Pesaka Bumiputera Bersatu (PBB) leaders have dismissed charges of being solely responsible for the ‘political castration of the majority Dayak community’ as alleged by Ngemeh state assemblyman Gabriel Adit who joined opposition party PKR on Saturday.

MCPX

“The Dayak leaders themselves are to blame for their (the community’s) political castration. They are disunited out of personal greed and lack discipline,” said one senior Melanau party activist from the Bumiputera wing of PBB in a text message from Kuching.

“They would rather see their political parties break up and deregistered.”

Over the weekend, Adit (left) announced that 12,000 of his supporters have joined PKR and they were welcomed with open arms in Sibu by Opposition Leader Anwar Ibrahim.

But the ruling PPB in Sarawak is not particularly perturbed by Adit’s action, which has boosted PKR strength to two in the 71-seat state assembly.

“PKR is not going to solve their mistrust of each other and their self-destructive nature. At best, PKR is a temporary transit house for them,” added the PBB leader.

The PBB leader was responding to the following SMS text and query from Malaysiakini to a selection of leaders, activists and members from BN component parties, PKR, SNAP and the yet-to-be-registered Malaysian Dayak Congress (MDC).

“12,000 new members led by Adit joined PKR in Sibu tonight (Nov 15). He handed over the application forms at a dinner attended by nearly 4,000 people. Adit said that PKR is the best vehicle to solve the problem of the political castration of the Dayaks. What do you think?”

Another respondent, PKR Sabah chief Jeffrey Gimpoi Kitingan, had this to say in a longish text message at 1am on Nov 16 from Sibu where he attended a 4,000-strong dinner hosted by the ‘Friends of PKR’ where Adit headed the organising committee.

“I could see and feel the desire for change and the excitement over Anwar’s speech and that of others who spoke, including Adit,” said Jeffrey.

“I think the Dayak/Iban have no better alternative than PKR/PR (Pakatan Rakyat) to overcome their castration. Their problems involve injustices that can only be solved by an alternative national government. Local parties wouldn’t be in a position to take on the (Abdul) Taib (Mahmud)-led BN state government.

“The Dayaks need a good sympathetic national leader to get them out of the situation - one who is also interested in bringing about national political change. I believe that man is DSAI (Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim)...

“Anwar will make sure that the next generation of Dayak leaders will look after the interest of the people rather than their selfish interest.”

How Dayak parties were neutralised

Jeffrey witnessed the handover of the 12,000 application forms by Gabriel Adit, a nephew of Leo Moggie Irok - the first and last president of PBDS (Parti Bansa Dayak Sarawak) which went defunct after moneybags in PBB openly backed James Masing to take on party founder Daniel Tajem, a long-time nemesis of Taib Mahmud.

It has been alleged that Taib wanted PBDS deregistered and “finished off for good”.

One respondent to Malaysiakini’s SMS query wanted to know the meaning of castration, while others were of the view that Kuala Lumpur was behind the disunity of the Dayaks.

Many have also pinned the blame on ‘unclean’ leaders parachuted in and thrust on the Dayak community so that they (the leaders) could be easily manipulated by the powers-that-be.

Some suggested that Abdul Rahman Yaakub and his nephew, Taib Mahmud, could not have stayed in power for almost four decades without federal government backing and see them as proxies for the real rulers in Kuala Lumpur.

Poverty, money politics and timber politics have also been cited as among the reasons for the political castration of the Dayak community.

“The coming of PKR to Sarawak is just like the entry of Umno to Sabah. PKR can do for Dayak politics what Umno did for Muslim politics in Sabah,” said one text message from a member of the pro-tem committee of the Malaysian Dayak Congress.

“Most of these Dayak leaders at the moment are satisfied with their regular ‘angpow’ packets from the powers-that-be. The money from the spoils of office keeps them in line. They couldn’t care less about their people.

“Besides, many of them have skeletons in their closets and can be easily manipulated. For example, one state minister is a gambling addict and has so many bank loans to take care of. Is he going to worry about himself or the Dayaks?”

The response from a senior Snap leader was telling.

He suggested taking another look at the history of how the present power equation in Sarawak came about and resulted in the political castration of the Dayak community.

According to him, Snap provided the first and second chief ministers - Stephen Kalong Ningkan and Tawi Sli respectively - until the Special Branch and the federal government entered the picture to break up the party’s dominance and bring about a re-alignment of the power structure which worked against the interests of the Dayak community.

“All the good Dayak leaders were either chased out, sidelined or hounded out of political existence as timber politics under Rahman Yaakub and the politics of development under Taib entered the picture,” said the Snap leader.

The rise of Muslim parties

The present power equation apparently began with two small Muslim parties, Barjasa and Panas, merging to form Parti Bumiputera in the late 1960s.

Parti Bumiptera in turn merged with Pesaka, an Iban party, led by Temenggong Jugah, the paramount chief of the Ibans.

The merger in January 1973 was allegedly “forced” on Pesaka by Kuala Lumpur which hinted that any opposition would be met with detention under the Internal Security Act - a fate suffered by several Sarawak United People’s Party (Supp) leaders at that time.

Bumiputera and Pesaka still remain separate but within PBB, with bumiputera having a 2:1 majority over Pesaka, thus effectively preventing the Pesaka leader emerging as the leader of PBB.

With the entry of Supp and Snap into the coalition government, the Dayak seats outside the Pesaka fold were further divided between Supp and Snap, with the latter having the lion’s share in the ratio of 3:1.

Within the Chinese-based Supp itself, the Dayaks formed a third of the membership and the seats.

Dayak Supp members, like Pesaka, helped dilute the political strength of the Dayak community while adding political strength to Supp and PBB with nothing in return for their community.

By the time Taib became chief minister in 1981, replacing his maternal uncle Abdul Rahman, he was still not happy with Snap having such a large number of Dayak seats.

Apparently, he bankrolled Moggie and Tajem to take on James Wong, the Snap president.

The result was the formation of PBDS in mid-1983 after Taib had indicated that Moggie and his supporters were not welcome in PBB since their entry would tip the power balance in favour of the Dayaks.

Earlier, during their open rebellion against Wong’s politics of money power, Moggie (right) had been led to believe that they would be accepted as members of PBB if they were expelled from Snap by the Limbang-based timber tycoon and former deputy chief minister, who ran the party like one of his family businesses and treated members like his workers.

Wong himself had spent some time under ISA detention for “planning to sell Limbang” to Brunei which had longed claimed the territory which almost completely separates Brunei into two halves.

The authorities never explained how Wong could on his own sell Limbang to Brunei. Wong was only released after Moggie and Tajem persuaded him to take Snap into coalition with the state BN.

Takeover of PBDS and eventual split

Tajem’s takeover of PBDS was opposed by Taib through James Masing’s challenge and the ultimate result was the deregistration of PBDS and the formation of the breakaway PRS (Parti Rakyat Sarawak) which has suffered the fate of two presidents with assistant state minister Larry Sng claiming to be the real president in defiance of Masing.

Taib retains Larry Sng in the state cabinet despite Masing expelling him from PRS after the Registrar of Societies, on the directive of Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi, recognised him as the lawful president on the eve of the March 8 general elections.

Many of the Dayak state assemblymen and parliamentarians outside PBB and Supp are beholden to Alfred Jabu (right), the Pesaka leader, who has come up with a system of “loaning” his nominees as candidates to the other BN component parties.

These nominees are not even members of the political parties they are chosen to represent. This has led to charges of PBB bullying other BN component parties.

Meanwhile, Snap was deregistered and expelled from the BN but won a new lease of life through the courts. A Snap breakaway, SPDP (Sarawak Progressive Democratic Party), led by William Mawan, was accepted as a member of the Barisan Nasional.

Attempts by ex-PBDS members led by Tajem (left) to form the Malaysian Democratic Congress were rebuffed by the Registrar of Societies on “national security grounds”.

They are now turning to PKR as the only avenue for their political struggle although Tajem and Masing have since made up with each other.

Adit first won the Ngemeh seat on a PBDS ticket but was denied that seat in the 2006 state elections.

He stood as an independent and won and was refused entry into any BN component party on the grounds that he had “opposed the coalition and stolen a seat which belonged to PRS”.

Before Adit contested the election, he was a member of SPDP which had hoped to “swap” for the Ngemeh seat.

Adit had backed Tajem against Masing in the struggle for control of PBDS after Moggie suddenly resigned over “hurtful and ungrateful remarks” in public by Masing over his (Moggie’s) long stay in office.

Anwar: Sarawak holds key to PKR government

SIBU, Nov 16 — Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) advisor Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim said Sarawak, which has 30 members of parliament, holds the key to the formation of the Pakatan Rakyat (PR) government in the country.

"When Sarawak changes its course, the Barisan Nasional government will collapse," he said at a dinner organised by "Friends of PKR" at the Sibu Trade and Exhibition centre here last night.

He said leaders in the PR coalition like Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang of Pas, Lim Kit Siang and Lim Guan Eng of DAP and himself and his wife would continue to meet and hold discussions with BN MPS to get them to cross over.

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About 3,000 people were present at the dinner, the biggest so far for a PKR function here.

Those present included PKR vice-president Datuk Seri Dr Jeffery Kitingan, Sarawak DAP leader Wong Ho Leng, former Sri Aman MP Jimmy Donald and Baginda Minda, the former Parti Rakyat Sarawak Balleh branch publicity chief, who caused a furore with his statement accusing the state dominant BN party, the Pesaka Bumiputera Bersatu, of being a bully.

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At the function, Anwar received membership application forms from Gabriel Adit Demong, one of two independent state assemblymen, and from 11,752 individuals from throughout the state.

Anwar said Sarawakians were now ready for change, saying Adit had volunteered to lead a recruitment drive for more members for PR.

"Do not be surprise if what had happened in five peninsula states in the March general elections could happen here," he said, adding that PR was prepared to face the coming state election.

He also claimed that several people from the state had visited him to express their interests to join PKR.

Meanwhile, Adit said a lot of BN members were "waiting in the wing" to join him and that his decision in joining PKR was "the first of many instalments" over the next few months.

Source: Malaysian Insider

Sarawak PKR gets big boost

Malaysiakini's report that sole Independent state assemblyperson in the Sarawak State Assembly Gabriel Adit has made the crucial decision to join PKR will give a big boost to PKR as it prepares for the next state elections due in 30 months.

The PKR gathering tonight in Sibu, will be a big celebration. PKR has gained very significant inroads into the Dayak community assisted in great measure by the draconian and high-handed attitude of Taib Mahmud and his 29 lame duck Dayak state reps.

I'm sure Malaysiakini will not mind my posting Tony Thien's report in full. I have highlighted in bold the interesting parts of Tony Thien's report:

Adit, 58, is a four-term representative who retained the predominantly-Iban Ngemah seat in the 2006 state election on an independent ticket.

He will officially hand over his membership application form as well as those from his supporters during a 300-table dinner organised by ‘Friends of PKR’ in Sibu on Saturday. Adit is the organising chair of the event.

It is learnt that many members of a Dayak-based state BN component party will also be handing over their application forms to PKR advisor Anwar Ibrahim, the guest-of-honour, for the evening. Several top Pakatan Rakyat leaders from PKR, DAP and PAS as well as their state leaders will be present to witness the event.

Malaysiakini also learnt that Beginda Minda, the ex-publicity chief of PRS president Dr James Masing-led Balleh division who made the news recently with his call on Chief Minister Abdul Taib Mahmud and Deputy Chief Minister Alfred Jabu to resign, and his supporters are also expected to join PKR at the function.

Although several leaders of state BN component parties have been reported in a national daily as saying they are not perturbed by the news of Adit’s impending move to join PKR, it has come at a time when there are also reports of groundswell support for PKR, especially in the rural areas.

Most popular party

A Merdeka Centre survey conducted after the March 2008 general election indicates that the most popular party among the Dayaks in Sarawak today is PKR.

There are several reasons why this is so, and among the concerns to Dayaks is the way the present Sarawak government handle the Native Customary Rights (NCR) land issue.

This has seen growing conflict on the ground between NCR landowners and plantation and logging companies and the government and increasing cases of litigation brought before the courts in Sarawak.

Adit was first elected to the state assembly in 1991 and has retained it successfully ever since.

A Canadian graduate in sociology and political science and closely related to former PBDS president and former federal minister Leo Moggie, he is respected within his own community and is known to be patient and not afraid to criticise the state government.

This personality has not endeared him to some top leaders in Sarawak, including the chief minister.

It was hardly surprising that the state BN leadership did not pick him to contest in the last state election which forced him to defend the Ngemah seat as an Independent.

He defeated BN-PRS candidate Alexander Vincent, a Masing relative, by a majority of more than 500 votes.

With Adit joining PKR, the party will now have two state assemblypersons. The other is Dominique Ng who represents the Chinese-majority seat of Padungan.

Adit conceded that there is a limit to what he can do, but by joining PKR he hopes to open the doors for other BN representatives to fight for change which he says looks inevitable, given the growing discontentment among Sarawakians against the state government.

He would not want to say more except that once he is officially in PKR, he will help his colleagues at state and national levels to build up the party’s grassroots where it counts most ahead of the state elections.

Twenty-five minutes too late

Adit told Malaysiakini that over the past several days during the sitting of the state assembly, he was approached by a number of BN representatives who tried to dissuade him from joining PKR after news of his intention leaked.

“I quoted to one of them the title of a Michael Learns To Rock (MLTR) song Twenty-five Minutes Too Late and that I have made up my mind,” he added in jest.

Apart from the Merdeka Centre findings on responses in rural constituencies to PKR, many state BN leaders, especially from the Dayak-based parties, acknowledge the growing anti-BN sentiments on the ground, sparked by issues such as land and certain policies on education and economic opportunities.

But that change may not come easy, with almost everyone acknowledging Taib’s strong and powerful grip on Sarawak’s power politics but one of his senior party colleagues has warned that unless the NCR land issue is resolved, it could potentially become a dynamite to create a political tsunami in the next state election.

But it has been noted that many state BN top leaders appear to be still in a state of denial, believing that under Taib’s leadership the state BN will remain formidable and should be able to remain in power for some time to come.

However, if Adit and more BN elected representatives who, to quote him, have a bitter-sweet experience inside BN, follow him to PKR, that might change the perception.

There are 29 Dayak-majority seats, 27 Malay/Melanau (Muslim)-majority seats and 15 Chinese-majority seats in the 71-seat state assembly.

Presently, DAP has six seats, all Chinese-majority, PKR one Chinese-majority seat and Independents two Dayak seats.

BN’s Sarawak United People’s Party (Supp) could end up even worse in the next state election with the DAP expecting to make further inroads.

PBB’s Malay/Melanau-majority seats may be tough to crack but PKR is confident of giving PBB a run for their money given the known dissatisfaction within the Malay community against the state leadership over a number of issues.

The opposition will have to win half or more of the Dayak seats plus a majority of Chinese seats as well as a number of Malay/Melanau seats to topple the state BN government.

Remove personal differences

PKR’s prospects have been bolstered by a growing number of bumiputera professionals joining the party. It does not lack potentially good candidates to fill the many seats.

Supporters are urging PKR state leaders to remove personal differences and close ranks as well as for the party at the state level to forge a better working relationship with Sarawak DAP.

It’s not clear what role the other state opposition parties Snap and Star will play.

It is possible that if a broader understanding can be reached they will get to contest some seats if the right candidates come around, without opposition parties taking on each other for the same seats.

Learning from past electoral experiences and the need to avoid a clash among themselves, DAP and PKR are likely to agree on seat allocation, especially in Chinese-majority areas.

Sources said that the PKR national leadership want to see the party’s state organisation further strengthened, after Adit’s entry into the party, with strategies more focused on the objectives it has set out to achieve in Sarawak.

The question ahead of the huge Sibu gathering is after Adit’s entry and that of his supporters applying to join the party at the same time, what significant impact will it have especially in the rural areas.

Will, as the Ngemah state representative hopes, it open the doors for not just more BN reps but also the grassroots of other Dayak-based parties to join PKR?

Sarawak undertakes detailed feasibility studies on 12 dams

KUCHING: Detailed feasibility studies of river basins are currently being undertaken for the 12 proposed dams in Sarawak, Assistant Minister of Public Utilities Sylvester Entri said yesterday.

Entri told the state legislative assembly that the move was to ensure that no hydro projects were carried out within the World Heritage Site as such projects could lead to the delisting of the site.

Entri said any decision on the dams would be based on the findings of the detailed feasibility studies, which covered the technical, financial and environmental aspects.Sarawak has one World Heritage Site — the Gunung Mulu National Park — covering an area of 54,864 hectares.
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“The government assures that the areas within the world heritage site will not be affected by the projects,” he said in reply to Dominique Ng (Padungan- PKR) who asked if the government would abandon the construction of the proposed dams, which like the Bakun dam, “would similarly be extravagant and unnecessary.” Source: Edge Daily

You can't blame anyone for being sceptical about the detailed feasibility studies given the opaque nature in which the Sarawak Government operates.

The concern is very much on:

1. Environmental impact of the dams construction.
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2. Displacement of the native communities in the affected areas.

3. Environmental impact of the proposed giant aluminium smelting operations that will use the electricity generated. See my post on this here.

4. The effectiveness of SCORE on the overall economic welfare of Sarawakians.
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These issues must be addressed head on by the Sarawak Government opening itself for open consultations and dialogues with ALL Sarawakians including Opposition parties.

Taib and Company should take the cue from Raja Nazrin's speech delivered in Taib's presence, unless he chooses to be deaf and pretends that Raja Nazrin was only speaking to the people in Semenanjung, Kuching being only the venue for the speech.

It is reported that Raja Nazrin had said that to strengthen integrity, the Rulers shall hold consultations and negotiations, gather opinions and be open minded to assess each advice rationally, objectively and fairly.

This principle of CONSULTATION should apply to all governments, especially the Sarawak Government.

Dominique should've tucked in his shirt

After reading Malaysiakini's report entitled, Ng's stunt does not impress rival, I join with Dominique Ng in expressing disappointment that his gesture was not graciously accepted as a demonstration of good faith and solidarity by Chong Chieng Jen (DAP-Kota Sentosa) .

I guess the enmity runs deep.

This makes me wonder if Taib and BN Sarawak is correct to be smug about their unassailable position.

And, it also leads me to wonder if there is ever going to any Pakatan Rakyat solidarity in Sarawak?

Maybe the commentators in my earlier post were right. Dominique should just say that it was actually a zipper problem and, that any earlier statement that was made about protesting Chong's ban from the State Assembly was uttered in jest.

Maybe Chong just wanted an excuse to be in the more glamorous setting of the Federal Parliament rather than the backwaters of Sarawak. After all, he was photographed looking pleased when sitting beside the charismatic Fong Po Kuan after both of them were ejected from the Dewan Rakyat.

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Maybe Chong wants to win Sarawak all by himself.

Maybe Chong didn't want Dominique to take some of the limelight.

Maybe.....

Beginda Minda resigns from PRS

According to what I read from The Broken Shield, Beginda Minda has resigned from PRS. Beginda had previously been suspended and, given a show cause letter by PRS.

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Beginda has resigned on the basis that he was dissatisfied.

More ominously for PRS and BN Sarawak, Beginda called on PRS members who shared his dissatisfaction to resign from the party as there was nothing that the party could offer them. “All business opportunities, contracts and government posts have been taken by the big brothers in the Barisan Nasional,” he said.

Apparently a dinner party is to be held on 15 November in Sibu where Pakatan leader, Anwar Ibrahim will be a guest of honour. Beginda and several grassroots leaders of PRS are expected to attend the function.

In light of Sarawak's looming state elections, these must be regarded as early tactical moves and, indications of a more concerted and earnest awakening of the hitherto docile Dayak community in Sarawak whose plight PRS and BN Sarawak ignores at their own peril.

Dominique Ng's untucked shirt

The normally dapper dresser, Dominique Ng, Sarawak State Assemblyman from Padungan and Sarawak PKR state chief was ordered to leave the Dewan Negri for not having a tucked shirt.
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He has his reason, of course.

He is quoted as having said, "I am not embarrassed and I have reasons to dress this way because I’m protesting against the suspension of (DAP) member of Kota Sentosa (Chong Chieng Jen)”.

Chong, who is also DAP national vice-chairman, was suspended by the assembly in May for failing to withdraw negative remarks made against Asfia.

He is still barred from attending the assembly.

Silly caper or serious intent?
Only the uninitiated will dismiss Dominique Ng's gesture as being frivolous gamesmanship.

Given the past acrimony between PKR's Ng and DAP's Chong, Ng's untucked shirt should be sending a clear message message to the rank and file of the Sarawak Pakatan Rakyat and their supporters that a rapprochement is in place.

This new-found solidarity between PKR and DAP bodes well for the nascent Sarawak Pakatan alliance. It may prove to be very detrimental to Taib Mahmud and the Sarawak BN.

But will they care? Probably not, which is a good thing for the Pakatan since they'll be left in peace to organise and marshall their forces until the state elections are called soon.

Temple demolition and governance

The demolition of the Hindu temple in Ampang raises a serious issue that all Pakatan state governments need to be vigilant about. This is the issue of loyalty and sabotage.

The Pakatan-led state government of Selangor has been exemplary in its beneficence towards the state civil service who has been loyal to the BN coalition all this while. But has this beneficence been reciprocated by the civil service? Generally, the answer would be a qualified "yes". But, there are pockets of UMNO loyalists within the ranks of state civil servants that are up to no good.

Kapar Member of Parliament S. Manickavasagam's threat to quit as the Selangor PKR liaison committee deputy chairman if no action is taken against the council officers involved in the demolition of a Hindu temple is a gross over-reaction. It doesn't reflect well on the Pakatan alliance. Their leaders tend to resort to melodramatics and bouts of self-righteousness on issues that require level-headed temperance.

On the other hand, maybe they are far more savvy in the dark arts of politics. Maybe they were fully aware that the temple demolition was a premeditated dastardly act by the BN saboteurs within the state civil service and, instead of being the same old boring BN-type leader that dishes out lame explanations, the Pakatan leaders pre-empted MIC by expressing greater outrage than MIC. This is high-level political wizardry.

Whatever the case, my point is that the Pakatan state governments need to accelerate their governance of key organs like the local councils.

It is one thing to be magnanimous in victory. But, it is quite another matter in being lackadaisical and naive about the deep-seated loyalties to UMNO and BN among certain state civil servants. These guys have to be weeded out. The sooner the better. At the level of the state civil service no politicking should be tolerated, especially the type of politicking that is calculated to cause social unrest and, damage the policies of the state government.

The sooner that Tan Sri Khalid and EXCO members like Ronnie Liu focus on this, the better things will be. Multiracial Selangor is shaping up to be a key battle-ground for many issues involving race and religion. Khir Toyo and Muhammad Taib have big war-chests and a lot of rewards to sustain a trench warfare against the Pakatan state government.

Tan Sri Khalid and his EXCO need to ramp up their political profile. For instance, the Selangor State Official Website could do with a face-lift and be made more user-friendly. It is bad enough that the mainstream media is waiting to pounce on any mistakes the Pakatan state government makes. But the Official Website should be regularly updated so that everyone, especially Selangorians are informed about the position of the state government on any issues arising..

Such political savvy is also part of good governance. It falls under the category of state communications. To ignore the importance of speedy and efficient dissemination of official communication is political naivette.

Could vs Should

In the current Malaysian political ethos leadership and competitive advantage is being derived not only from pragmatic values such as quality and blind obedience, as UMNO and some BN component parties will have us believe. Rather, the reality is that political parties must also organise themselves around humanistic, social, and environmental values such as integrity, transparency, sustainability, and trust. This may explain why the Pakatan alliance had a message that resonated so well with the Malaysian electorate.

I believe that to really thrive today, political parties need to operate more in the language of "should" and less in the language of "could."

Could
The language of could involves asking questions like, "What can we do?", which encourages decisions and actions that are guided by rules. But there is little in rules that inspire..

Rules are to be complied with, and they tend to breed a culture in which people find ways to live with the rules or to circumvent them. Sound familiar?

In contrast, asking "What should we do?" is entirely different. This question encourages decisions and actions that are consistent with individual and organizational values within the political parties and, to translate these values into government policies.

Should
Should transcends rules and inspires individuals to do more than merely comply. Yet, should appears to be the core inspiration for Pakatan supporters to comply with the rules because doing so is consistent with the humanistic, social, and environmental values mentioned earlier, such as integrity, transparency, sustainability, and trust.

In this way, should achieves a double effect: The mindset inspires them to do than merely follow the rules while preventing them from doing any less than complying with the rules. Why? Because to betray the rules is to betray the core values. This may explain, to some extent, the tightness with which the Pakatan alliance operated in the run-up to March 8 and its immediate aftermath.

A should mindset qualifies as a competitive advantage in the current Malaysian political landscape for two reasons. First, organizations and individuals are judged as much by the process of how they behave as by the result their behaviors deliver. This is the case thanks to hypertransparency: Malaysians can see deeper into the inner workings of political parties. This is something that the Pakatan state governments are finding out. This is something that was drummed home to UMNO and BN in the March 8 general elections.

And, because Malaysians can see deeper, they care about the political personalities and the process through which policies are created - or, at least, the negative effect of such policies. Is it any wonder that there is such immediacy in the general public's response to the flip-flop policies of UMNO and BN within the federal government?

Second, despite the Malaysian conventional wisdom that suggests conservatism, politics craves creativity and innovation, and should thinking frees political leaders and parties from the constraints of rules-based thought by unleashing new pathways of exploration and possibility. This was evident in Barack Obama's Democratic primaries campaign. It was evident in the Pakatan alliance's campaign in the March 8 general elections. This is something UMNO and BN needs to look at.

The way forward
We will see—because we can see and we want to see—which political parties live up to their assertions. Regardless, a few things are becoming clear.

Political parties are, in essence, communities of people. Greater connectedness will drive Malaysian politics to become more humanistic in nature. Should is the language that will enable Malaysian politicians to look through a human lens. This is something Pakatan alliance leaders are aware of. This is something Malaysians want to see in UMNO and BN politicians.

MALAYSIAKINI: Kurup's Pensiangan seat declared vacant

Malaysiakini reports that, The Pensiangan parliamentary seat, won by Barisan Nasional's Joseph Kurup on March 8 general election, has been declared vacant by the Kota Kinabalu Election Court today.

MCPX

Malaysiakini also noted that, The decision by High Court judge Justice David Wong Dak Wah could pave way for a by-election for this constituency which was won uncontested by Kurup.

Right to appeal the High Court decision
However recent amendments to the election laws allow Kurup to appeal the decision at the Federal Court. The petition was filed by PKR's Danny Anthony Andipai, who was also a candidate for the seat. He had named Kurup, returning officer Bubudan OT Majalu and the Election Commission as respondents.

Kurup won the seat uncontested on Feb 24 nomination day after Andipai's candidacy was rejected after he had submitted his nomination papers after the 10am deadline.

On the nomination day, both Andipai and another candidate Saimeh Usau had missed the deadline and wanted to submit their papers after the expiry of the deadline. They claimed they have been blocked on their way to the nomination centre.

They were subsequently allowed to do so, with Andipai's nomination papers accepted at 10.25am and Saimeh's forms five minutes later.

However, during the one-hour objection period from 11am, Kurup had raised objections to the late submissions and they were accepted by the returning officer. He then disqualified the two candidates from contesting.
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The High Court decision comes at an inopportune time for Barisan Nasional. No doubt, the by-elections will take place after September 16, which may or, may not see any dramatic changes at the federal level. In any event, the by-election will be seen by most Malaysians, particularly Sabahans, as a referendum of sorts on the BN government at the Federal and State levels.

The Pensiangan constituency is largely populated by Kadazans.

There have been rumblings of discontent from within BN Sabah ranks. At the most extreme would be Sabah Peoples' Party (SAPP) led by the recalcitrant Yong Teck Lee. This is followed by leaders within UMNO Sabah, such as the urbane Anifah Aman.

There are some interesting angles to consider. First, can PKR and Pakatan Rakyat parlay the voter sentiments in Peninsular Malaysia into Pensiangan, Sabah? This is a strong possibility given the strong streak of independence shown by Yong of SAPP and Anifah Aman of UMNO Sabah. But, at the same time, by dint of the independent streak shown by these BN Sabah leaders, the Pensiangan voters may see BN Sabah in a favourable light.

Second, and, perhaps the most interesting question is that, given the reticence of Sabah's Kadazan leaders, particularly Huguan Siou Pairin Kitingan, on the crossover issue and, the failure or refusal of these Kadazan leaders to make any outward displays of independence against the federal BN's neglect of Sabah, will the Kadazan voters in Pensiangan decide to give the Kadazan leaders a wake-up call by casting their votes for PKR-Pakatan?

In a direct sense, the by-election is likely to be hotly contested between PBRS-BN and PKR-Pakatan. But the underlying issue will be whether the Kadazan voters will reflect the growing mood of despair at the federal BN leadership. At another level, the by-election may also be an indicia of whether BN Sabah's leadership under the authoritarian Musa Aman is genuinely well-received by Sabahans.